Alfred W. McCOY Washingtons Wahn der endlosen Weltherrschaft

Washingtons Wahn der endlosen Weltherrschaft

  1. März 2021
    Von Alfred W. McCoy

Wie das britische Establishment der 1950er Jahre haben die derzeitigen Führer der US-Außenpolitik so lange an der Spitze der Welt gestanden, dass sie vergessen haben, wie sie dorthin gekommen sind, schreibt Alfred W. McCoy.

Imperien leben und sterben durch ihre Illusionen. Visionen von Ermächtigung können Nationen dazu inspirieren, die Höhen der globalen Hegemonie zu erklimmen. Genauso können aber auch Illusionen von Allmacht schwindende Imperien in die Vergessenheit stürzen lassen. So war es mit Großbritannien in den 1950er Jahren und so könnte es mit den Vereinigten Staaten heute sein.
Bis 1956 hatte Großbritannien sein globales Imperium ein Jahrzehnt lang schamlos ausgebeutet, um seine heimische Wirtschaft aus den Trümmern des Zweiten Weltkriegs zu befreien. Es freute sich darauf, dies noch viele Jahrzehnte lang zu tun. Dann bemächtigte sich ein obskurer ägyptischer Armeeoberst namens Gamal Abdel Nasser des Suezkanals und Großbritanniens Establishment brach in einem Paroxysmus rassistischer Empörung aus. Der damalige Premierminister Sir Antony Eden schmiedete eine Allianz mit Frankreich und Israel, um sechs Flugzeugträger in die Suez-Region zu schicken, Ägyptens Panzertruppen in der Wüste Sinai zu zerschlagen und seine Luftwaffe vom Himmel zu fegen.
Aber Nasser begriff die tiefere Geopolitik des Imperiums auf eine Weise, die die britischen Führer längst vergessen hatten. Der Suezkanal war das strategische Scharnier, das Großbritannien mit seinem asiatischen Imperium verband – mit den Ölfeldern von British Petroleum im Persischen Golf und den Seewegen nach Singapur und darüber hinaus. Also füllte er in einer geopolitischen Meisterleistung einfach ein paar rostige Frachter mit Steinen und versenkte sie am Eingang des Kanals, wodurch dieses Scharnier mit einer einzigen Geste zerbrach. Nachdem Eden gezwungen war, die britischen Streitkräfte in einer demütigenden Niederlage zurückzuziehen, zitterte das einst mächtige britische Pfund am Abgrund und über Nacht schien das Gefühl der imperialen Macht in England zu verschwinden wie eine Fata Morgana in der Wüste.


Zwei Jahrzehnte des Wahns

In ähnlicher Weise findet Washingtons Hybris ihre Nemesis in Chinas Präsident Xi Jinping und seiner großen Strategie zur Vereinigung Eurasiens zum größten Wirtschaftsblock der Welt. Zwei Jahrzehnte lang, als China Schritt für Schritt zur globalen Eminenz aufstieg, war Washingtons Machtelite in der Gürtellinie geblendet von ihren übergreifenden Träumen von ewiger militärischer Allmacht. Dabei hat sich Washingtons China-Politik von der Administration Bill Clintons bis zu der von Joe Biden von einer Illusion direkt in einen Zustand der überparteilichen Verblendung verwandelt.


Damals, im Jahr 2000, glaubte die Clinton-Regierung, dass Peking, wenn es in die Welthandelsorganisation aufgenommen würde, das globale Spiel strikt nach Washingtons Regeln spielen würde. Als China stattdessen anfing, imperiales Hardball zu spielen – Patente zu stehlen, Unternehmen zu zwingen, Handelsgeheimnisse preiszugeben, und seine Währung zu manipulieren, um seine Exporte zu steigern – tadelte die Elitezeitschrift Foreign Affairs, dass solche Anschuldigungen „wenig Verdienst“ hätten, und drängte Washington, „einen totalen Handelskrieg“ zu vermeiden, indem es lerne, „Unterschiede zu respektieren und nach Gemeinsamkeiten zu suchen“.


Innerhalb von nur drei Jahren begann eine Flut von Exporten, die von Chinas Niedriglohnarbeitern, die aus 20 Prozent der Weltbevölkerung stammen, produziert wurden, Fabriken in ganz Amerika stillzulegen. Der Gewerkschaftsverband AFL-CIO begann daraufhin, Peking zu beschuldigen, seine Waren in den USA illegal zu „Dumpingpreisen“ unter dem Marktpreis anzubieten. Die Regierung von George W. Bush wies die Anschuldigungen jedoch aus Mangel an „schlüssigen Beweisen“ zurück und erlaubte Pekings Exportmoloch, ungehindert weiter zu mahlen.


Die meiste Zeit ignorierte das Weiße Haus unter Bush und Cheney China einfach, stattdessen marschierte es 2003 in den Irak ein und startete eine Strategie, die den USA eine dauerhafte Herrschaft über die riesigen Ölreserven des Nahen Ostens verschaffen sollte. Als Washington sich 2011 aus Bagdad zurückzog, nachdem es bis zu 5,4 Billionen Dollar für die fehlgeleitete Invasion und Besetzung dieses Landes verschwendet hatte, hatte Fracking Amerika am Rande der Energieunabhängigkeit zurückgelassen, während Öl sich zu Korkholz und Kohle als ein Brennstoff gesellte, dessen Tage gezählt waren, was den zukünftigen Nahen Osten möglicherweise geopolitisch irrelevant machte. (…)

Übersetzung und engl. Fassung im Anhang:

Imperialistische Großraumwirtschaft

Reinhard Opitz’ Dokumentenband über die »Europastrategien des deutschen Kapitals von 1900–1945«

Aus: Junge Welt Ausgabe vom 03.12.2019, Seite 12 /
Thema Deutscher Imperialismus

 

Quelle: Imperialistische Großraumwirtschaft

Review: L.H. SHOUP: Wall Street’s Think Tank: The Council on Foreign Relations and the Emp ire of Neoliberal Geopolitics, 1976-2014

globalcrisis/globalchange NEWS
Martin Zeis, 07.10.2015

Dear all,

yesterday Counterpunch published Paul STREET’s review of Laurence H. SHOUP’s book: Wall Street’s Think Tank: The Council on Foreign Relations and the Empire of Neoliberal Geopolitics, 1976-2014 (published Oct 1, 2015, Monthly Review Press, U.S., 27,95 Euro). Since 2006 we’ve spread various articles, analysis about the „Politbüro der USA“ (Der Spiegel, Nr. 50/1975, p 142-46 ) related to the Power-Structure-Research, in Germany publicized by Prof. Hans-Jürgen KRYSMANSKI.*

Hereafter an excerpt of Street’s article + two statements by Noam Chomsky and Peter Dale Scott. Further see attachment (pdf, 7 p).

* see: H.J. Krysmanski: Zur geopolitischen Bedeutung der Machteliten der USA; Münster (Germany), 15.01.2002 — URL: www.uni-muenster.de/PeaCon/global-texte/g-m/herrschendeklassen.htm

best regards,
Martin Zeis

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Counterpunch, Oct 6, 2015 — www.counterpunch.org/2015/10/06/yes-there-is-an-imperialist-ruling-class
Yes, There is an Imperialist Ruling Class
by PAUL STREET

Contemporary history is neither a series of random occurrences nor the predetermined plaything of a small cabal of super-empowered conspirators. The truth is somewhere in-between. A sizeable cadre of class- and system-conscious deep-state and imperial planners from the heights of concentrated private and governmental power join together to shape the outlines of much of recent history. Along with professional class “experts” agreeable to their basic aims, they do so in accord with their shared interests in the endless upward accumulation of wealth and power. They serve the profits system that is still headquartered primarily in the United States even as it develops ever more and varied outposts across a globalizing world.

They exercise vastly disproportionate influence on the course of events and policy largely behind the scenes, in the darkly deceptive name of democracy. But it isn’t about conspiracy. The planners in question are numerous. Their names, activities, and backgrounds and the record of their influence are all open to investigation by those with the time, skill, energy, and willingness to make the connections. (…)

Nowhere is the planning and influence of the ruling class of the world’s and history’s most powerful capitalist state, the United States, more evident than in the Council of Foreign Relations (CFR). There are hundreds of institutions and organizations in which elite planning and networking occurs both at home and abroad. But, as the left historian Shoup shows in his indispensable new book Wall Street’s Think Tank: The Council of Foreign Relations and the Empire of Neoliberal Geopolitics, 1976-2014 (Monthly Review Press, 2015), no such group remotely approximates the CFR in scale, reach, and influence when it comes to articulating the national and global class interests of the U.S. capitalist elite and a growing transnational capitalist ruling class. With an individual membership of 5000 (boasting an average household worth of $1.4 million), a top Fortune 500 corporate membership of 170, a staff over 330, a budget of $60 million, and assets of $490 million, the Council is “the largest and most powerful of all U.S. private think tanks that presume to discuss and decide the future of humanity in largely secret meetings behind closed doors in the upper-class neighborhoods of New York and Washington. During the last four decades,” Shoup observes, “the CFR has not only successfully continued its central position as the most important private organization in the United States, one with no real peer in the country. It has succeeded in expanding its key role, and remains at the center of the small plutocracy that runs the United States and much of the world.” (…) — emphasis, m.z. —

STREET-Imperialist-Ruling-Class151006.pdf

Greece And The Endgame Of The Neocolonial Model Of Exploitation by Charles Hugh Smith – Feb 19, 2015

http://charleshughsmith.blogspot.de/2015/02/greece-and-endgame-of-neocolonial-model.html / via zerohedge, Feb 19, 2015

Greece And The Endgame Of The Neocolonial Model Of Exploitation
by Charles Hugh Smith – Feb 19, 2015

With the bankruptcy of Greece now undeniable, we’ve finally reached the endgame of the Neocolonial-Financialization Model.

We all know how old-fashioned colonialism worked: the imperial power takes physical control of previously independent lands and declares its ownership of the region as a newlygreek-debt minted colony.

What’s the benefit of controlling colonies?

In the traditional colonial model, there are two primary benefits:

1. The imperial power (the core) extracts valuable commodities and low-cost labor from its colony (the periphery)
2. The imperial power sells its own high-margin manufactured goods to the captured-market of its colony.

This buy low, sell high dynamic is the heart of colonialism, which can be understood as one example of the The Core-Periphery Model (June 11, 2013).

The book Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History is an excellent history of how this model worked for Great Britain.

The tensions this model generated in the colonial elites of America are brought to life in Tobacco Culture: The Mentality of the Great Tidewater Planters on the Eve of Revolution.

This traditional model of colonialism was forcibly dismantled in the 1940s-1960s. Former colonies established their political independence, a process that diminished the wealth and global reach of former colonial powers.

In response, global financial powers sought financial control rather than political control. This is one dynamic of what I call the Neocolonial-Financialization Model (May 24, 2012), which substitutes the economic power of financialization (debt, leverage and speculation) for the raw power of political conquest and control.

The main strategy of financialization is: extend cheap credit to those with limited access to capital. Those with limited access to capital will swallow the bait of cheap credit whole, and willingly agree to penalties, high interest rates, etc.

Then, when the credit expansion reaches levels that cannot be supported, the lenders demand collateral and/or favorable trade and financial concessions.

These tactics have been well-documented in books such as The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism and Confessions of an Economic Hit Man.

But the economic pillaging of former colonies has limits, and as a consequence the global financial powers developed the Neocolonial Model, which turns these same techniques on one’s home region.

Thus Greece and other capital-poor European nations were recognized as the periphery that could be exploited by the core, and the euro was the ideal tool to financialize the economies of nations which could never have generated credit/housing bubbles without the wide-open spigots of cheap credit flooding their economies.

In Neocolonialism, the forces of financialization are used to indenture the local Elites and populace to the financial core: the peripheral „colonials“ borrow money to buy the finished goods manufactured in the core economies, enriching the Imperial Elites with A) the profits made selling goods to the debtors B) interest on credit extended to the peripheral colonies to buy the core economies‘ goods and „live large“, and C) the transactional skim of financializing peripheral assets such as real estate and State debt.

In essence, the core banks of the EU colonized the peripheral nations via the financializing euro, which enabled a massive expansion of debt and consumption in the periphery. The banks and exporters of the core extracted enormous profits from this expansion of debt and consumption.

Now that the financialization scheme of the euro has run its course, the periphery’s neocolonial standing is starkly revealed: the assets and income of the periphery are flowing to the core as interest on the private and sovereign debts that are owed to the core’s central bank and its money-center private banks.

Note how little of the Greek „bailout“ actually went to the citizenry of Greece and how much was interest paid to the financial powers.
This is not just the perfection of neocolonialism but of neofeudalism as well. The peripheral nations of the EU are effectively neocolonial debtors of the core, and the taxpayers of the core nations are now feudal serfs whose labor is devoted to making good on any loans to the periphery that go bad.

Neocolonialism benefits both the core’s financial Aristocracy and national oligarchies/ kleptocracies. This is ably demonstrated in the recent essay Misrule of the Few: How the Oligarchs Ruined Greece.

With the bankruptcy of Greece now undeniable, we’ve finally reached the endgame of the Neocolonial-Financialization Model. There are no more markets to exploit with financialization, and the fact that the mountains of debt are unpayable can no longer be masked.

At this point, the financial Aristocracy has an unsolvable dilemma: writing off defaulted debt also writes off assets and income streams, for every debt is somebody else’s asset and income stream. When all those phantom assets are recognized as worthless, the system implodes.

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Martin Zeis
globalcrisis/globalchange NEWS
martin.zeis@gmxpro.net